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Post by Rich Curilla on Jun 5, 2014 0:46:20 GMT -5
The buildings you mention are my conjectural model (based on dimensions given) represent a feature from a slightly earlier period, 1786. They are Andres Courbiere's home and his Indian jacal! (Or as George Nelson labels it, "The Beginning of the Tourist Hotels on the River Walk.") George explains, "1786 -- A huge jacal is built to house visiting Indians across the river from Mission Valero. The interpreter, Andres Courbiere, donated the site on the Potrero of the river because the Indians liked to bathe every day. It was 144 feet long, 15 feet wide, and divided into four 36 foot rooms. Five different tribes could have their own private quarters. Local people were paid to cook and clean and one or two soldiers watched over their needs. Food and firewood was provided." George's source is page 127 of Elizabeth A.H. John's chapter "Independent Indians and the San Antonio Community" in Gilberto M. Hinojosa's Tejano Origins in the Eighteenth-Century San Antonio, University of Texas Press, 1991. She adds, "Local residents contributed the labor of construction, although they were not altogether cheerful about the governor's decision not to pay them, since all members of the community had so much to gain from the peace and commerce fostered by the structure." It is Ms. John who indicated the Courbiere had the jacal built "beside his own home." I have not yet been able to nail down an actual site for this complex. All I really know is that it was on the potrero, it was next to Courbiere's house and it probably backed down to the river. My model provides the measured quarters for the different tribes. My own conjecture added the fences providing private camping areas and the two fireplaces in each room, allowing that central heat and air still remained some months in the future. I do not know who the Indian maiden in buckskins is standing in the front yard, but she is definitely on the list for my swim at San Pedro Springs. NOW do you want pictures?! LOL. Attachments:
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Post by edward on Jun 5, 2014 10:40:08 GMT -5
The acequia in Laredito is based on the conjectural map by Caroline Castillo Crimm (conjectural where this feature is concerned) of the urban expansion from 1718 to 1800 on page 37 of Jesus de la Teja's San Antonio de Bexar, University of New Mexico Press, 1995. On page 39, de la Teja says: "Until the 1760's only a handful of residents made up what came to be known as the Barrio de Laredo, but then occupation of the area began in earnest. Between 1761 and 1778 more than thirty grants were made west of San Pedro Creek. Although some lots were north of the presidio, most were located on either side of the Laredo Road (hence the neighborhood's name) leading south out of town. Besides the road's presence, the neighborhood may have grown in that direction because of the presence of an acequia. "The neighborhood's early residents dug at least a rudimentary ditch, for by the early 1770's the grants mention whether or not lots were irrigated. Diego Irineo Henriquez's sale of land to Juan Jose Cordova in 1791 describes the western boundary of a twenty-vara parcel as 'the ditch that irrigates said lands.' The acequia's importance in determining the direction of settlement is discernible in the fact that Pedro Minon's petition for land somewhat north of the other west-bank residents stated that the lot had no irrigation." For references, he gives (1) "Venta de tierra por Diego Irineo Henriguez a favor de Juan Jose Cordova," 12 May, 1791, Land Grants, Bexar County Spanish Archives, and (2) "Donacion de un solar a favor de Pedro Minon," 10 June, 1769, Land Grants, also BCSA. I have not seen this layout before. I did read in the city minutes that Ditches / Gullies were forming behind the cemetery and the road where the slaughterhouse was located and that lumber was needed to make a palisade. I think it was in 1831/1832.
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Post by edward on Jun 5, 2014 11:18:02 GMT -5
The buildings you mention are my conjectural model (based on dimensions given) represent a feature from a slightly earlier period, 1786. They are Andres Courbiere's home and his Indian jacal! (Or as George Nelson labels it, "The Beginning of the Tourist Hotels on the River Walk.") George explains, "1786 -- A huge jacal is built to house visiting Indians across the river from Mission Valero. The interpreter, Andres Courbiere, donated the site on the Potrero of the river because the Indians liked to bathe every day. It was 144 feet long, 15 feet wide, and divided into four 36 foot rooms. Five different tribes could have their own private quarters. Local people were paid to cook and clean and one or two soldiers watched over their needs. Food and firewood was provided." George's source is page 127 of Elizabeth A.H. John's chapter "Independent Indians and the San Antonio Community" in Gilberto M. Hinojosa's Tejano Origins in the Eighteenth-Century San Antonio, University of Texas Press, 1991. She adds, "Local residents contributed the labor of construction, although they were not altogether cheerful about the governor's decision not to pay them, since all members of the community had so much to gain from the peace and commerce fostered by the structure." It is Ms. John who indicated the Courbiere had the jacal built "beside his own home." I have not yet been able to nail down an actual site for this complex. All I really know is that it was on the potrero, it was next to Courbiere's house and it probably backed down to the river. My model provides the measured quarters for the different tribes. My own conjecture added the fences providing private camping areas and the two fireplaces in each room, allowing that central heat and air still remained some months in the future. I do not know who the Indian maiden in buckskins is standing in the front yard, but she is definitely on the list for my swim at San Pedro Springs. NOW do you want pictures?! LOL. Ok, I have seen this information about the 'Hotel' originally in the Bexar Archives and in Nelson's book. In my guess, I have located this 'Hotel' on the north side of the Potrero in my AutoCAD fie. The lands in the Potrero from Market street north across the river to the convent pretty much belonged to the Rodriguez and Courbier families at one time. Fernando Courbiere, grandson, Andres, land description was northside of Commerce, bounded by Poloneria Montez y Padilla to the east, Ambocio Rodriguez', SA River to the north. He traded this lot for a lot in La Villita.
To accurately convey everyday life of the time, swimming pictures would be good. lol
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Post by Rich Curilla on Jun 5, 2014 14:27:51 GMT -5
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Post by Rich Curilla on Jun 5, 2014 14:38:56 GMT -5
I have not yet been able to nail down an actual site for this complex. All I really know is that it was on the potrero, it was next to Courbiere's house and it probably backed down to the river. My model provides the measured quarters for the different tribes. My own conjecture added the fences providing private camping areas and the two fireplaces in each room, allowing that central heat and air still remained some months in the future. I do not know who the Indian maiden in buckskins is standing in the front yard, but she is definitely on the list for my swim at San Pedro Springs. NOW do you want pictures?! LOL. Ok, I have seen this information about the 'Hotel' originally in the Bexar Archives and in Nelson's book. In my guess, I have located this 'Hotel' on the north side of the Potrero in my AutoCAD fie. The lands in the Potrero from Market street north across the river to the convent pretty much belonged to the Rodriguez and Courbier families at one time. Fernando Courbiere, grandson, Andres, land description was northside of Commerce, bounded by Poloneria Montez y Padilla to the east, Ambocio Rodriguez', SA River to the north. He traded this lot for a lot in La Villita.
To accurately convey everyday life of the time, swimming pictures would be good. lol
Great information -- better than mine. Thanks. I will look toward moving the complex across the potrero. It will take a while though. It's a big jacal, and the Bexarenos still won't want to do it for free.
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Post by estebans on Jun 5, 2014 20:10:40 GMT -5
Miguel Arciniega mortgaged his residence and 21 town lots to the Riddles in 1841. The Riddles foreclosed on Miguel's properties and after much litigation took possession of Miguel's properties.
Edward, is any obvious reason known for Arciniega mortgaging all those properties? Did he do that all at once in a single deal, or was it spread over the course of the year?
Stephen Schneider
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Post by edward on Jun 6, 2014 1:10:45 GMT -5
Miguel Arciniega mortgaged his residence and 21 town lots to the Riddles in 1841. The Riddles foreclosed on Miguel's properties and after much litigation took possession of Miguel's properties.Edward, is any obvious reason known for Arciniega mortgaging all those properties? Did he do that all at once in a single deal, or was it spread over the course of the year? Stephen Schneider I believe he used his money to support the Rio Grand Rebellion (like Juan Seguin) and when it fizzled he was not compensated. He then mortgaged his property, a large portion inherited from his father Gregorio, and Miguel's 3 house slaves, in exchange for $863 in merchandise from the Riddles on 2 Jan 1841. This loan is to be paid back within 60 days. On 6 Jan 1841 Miguel gets a passport, signed by David Burnett to go to Mexico. Here it is believed his merchandised was confiscated and he tries again increasing the loan amount to $2321.60 an additional 120 days, with apparently the same result. Miguels wife, Alejandra, pays John Riddle $762.50 in cash towards the loan on 26 Mar 1842. When the properties are foreclosed in 1844 the Riddles purchase the porperties for $400 and they go after Miguel for the rest of the loan. In 1848 the court ruled that Miguel did not owe any more money to the Riddles once the slaves were sold which had not been done. Miguel died in 1849.
Miguel Arciniega Time line 2 Feb 1826 Leaves San Antonio to meet with Indian Chief Richard Fields
1 May 1827 Miguel Arciniega along with Jose Antonio Navarro elected deputies to the state congress
25 Aug 1827 Sends letter to Stephen Austin on charges made by Nixon and Madero that Austin and Saucedo are in collusion in the sell of public lands which he does not believe.
1830 Alcalde (Mayor) of San Antonio
8 Jun 1832 Laid out the town of Bastrop for the Mexican Government 25 Nov1832
Informs Ramon Musquiz of cholera epidemic in New Orleans 27 Feb 1833
Elected Alcalde (Mayor) of San Antonio 11 Dec 1835
Miguel Arciniega and John Cameron are chosen interpreters for the negotiations to the terms of General Martin Perfecto de Cos surrender of Bexar to Edward Burleson, Commander in Chief of the volunteer Army.
16 Jan 1836 ‘For the Jurisdiction of Bejar: Juan N. Seguin, first judge, Miguel Arciniega, second ditto.’ --Announcement in the Telegraph, and Texas Register
4 Feb 1839 - 29 May 1839 Justice of the peace Precinct 2
12 Feb 1839 Miguel sells a League and Labor of land certificate (4,605 acres) to Samuel A. Maverick for $160.
20 August 1839 Letter to Captain of company, Dn Miguel Arciniega: This letter informs Miguel to have every man in the district to be ready at the captain’s call to guard the principle pathways, to stop and arrest any who appear to be spy or robber, until Captain Ross arrives in force. Letter is from Samuel A. Maverick. --Samuel A. Maverick is Mayor of San Antonio during this period, 8 Jan 1839 to 8 Jan 1840
2 Jul 1840 The city council put in charge Miguel Arciniega and John McMullen with the mission of going to see Col Juan Seguin to find out from him the conditions of the 500 pesos loaned by the council to Col Neill to pay for Texas troops. -- John W. Smith is the Mayor of San Antonio during this period, 8 Jan 1840 to 9 Jan 1841
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Post by estebans on Jun 9, 2014 15:48:07 GMT -5
That makes a lot of sense, Edward. Something I have been wondering about is Seguin's claim that he outfitted 300 men for the Republic of the Rio Grande for $3000 or $4000 (IIRC he gives two different figures), even if there is a claim they were permitted to sort of rummage through the Republic's armory and take less desirable ordnance for free. It seems as though there were three companies of up to 100 men apiece, and that they acted quite independently in terms of how quickly they formed and what they then did, if there is anything in the Lamar Papers version of events, where instead of the 300 men not making it to the Rio Bravo in time to participate, the three companies were involved in some of the activity around the capitulation, if not in the preceding pitched battles. I have the impression that the going free-market rate for hazardous duty was a dollar a day, so I wonder if perhaps Seguin recruited around 100 men himself for a 30-day term, requiring them to equip themselves ranger-style, in the hope that a month would either decide the issue or allow time to arrange subsequent payments by the soon-victorious new republic. Arciniega could have funded another 100-man company, and maybe Vicente Garza and/or Juan Andres Sambrano financed the third one, as they seem like two more guys who might have had the resources, and both seem to have run into difficulties and left Bexar ca. 1842 also (though Garza seems like someone who could lead a company himself if he funded one).
The financial ruin of these men seems horribly ironic when I read John Henry Brown's biographical sketch of John P. Kelsey, where one man or the other characterizes the Republic of the Rio Grande fiasco as a farce meant to cover the illegal importing of a very large amount of ordnance and merchandise. These Bexarenos who bankrolled soldiers out of a belief in Federalist principles were sunk financially by the outcome, while an opportunist like Kelsey used it as a springboard to a massive personal fortune by making the contacts he needed to do business in Mexico for the rest of his life. The "consolation prize" that Antonio Canales got--comandante militar of the Villas del Norte--was probably more desirable to him than any position he would have held in the RRG, if it gave him effective control over the Texas smuggling trade with the Villas del Norte. Is that what Canales was after the whole time? I don't understand what Arciniega or Seguin stood to gain financially by providing troops, other than premium access to the government of the new republic, so I am thinking they acted more out of principle than self-interest--is that mistaken? I should think the new RRG government would have had to charge duties on the overland imports, which would have ended the massive profit ratio of the contraband trade.
There wasn't any quick way for Seguin or Arciniega to recoup their losses except smuggling, and I guess that worked equally poorly for both men. I don't doubt that the Riddles were out for blood after their loss of property in the Vasquez raid and their loss of freedom in the Woll raid. I guess Arciniega was much older at the time of these events, but that was a sad end to his life, sad for Wilson Riddle's early death, and of course tragic for Seguin.
Sorry if this is veering the thread off the La Villita Earthworks, but sometimes when a name comes up as a property owner in Rich's virtual Bexar, the details of their life help me in trying to picture that community at that time.
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Post by Rich Curilla on Jun 10, 2014 0:57:14 GMT -5
Sorry if this is veering the thread off the La Villita Earthworks, but sometimes when a name comes up as a property owner in Rich's virtual Bexar, the details of their life help me in trying to picture that community at that time. Shoot! My bad! I veered from that ages ago. This is fascinating stuff that I never knew about. And yes, the more I learn, the more I can create or adapt model details to reflect truth -- or at least that would be the goal. We've built some awesome movie sets over the last half century, one less accurate and one more accurate. Now it's time to visualize the real thing in every way we can. Edward and I are taking different approaches, but we are both getting somewhere.
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Post by edward on Jun 10, 2014 13:23:42 GMT -5
..........The "consolation prize" that Antonio Canales got-- comandante militar of the Villas del Norte--was probably more desirable to him than any position he would have held in the RRG, if it gave him effective control over the Texas smuggling trade with the Villas del Norte. Is that what Canales was after the whole time? I don't understand what Arciniega or Seguin stood to gain financially by providing troops, other than premium access to the government of the new republic, so I am thinking they acted more out of principle than self-interest--is that mistaken? ... Sorry if this is veering the thread off the La Villita Earthworks, but sometimes when a name comes up as a property owner in Rich's virtual Bexar, the details of their life help me in trying to picture that community at that time. Very good point on Canales and one I believe is entirely plausible. As far as why they did it, I believe they had more than enough wealth to live comfortably so I would say they did it out of principle.
Miguel Arciniega’s wife was Alejandra Losoya she was the granddaughter of Manuel Losoya. Manuel Losoya was awarded a lot of land on the east side of the Alamo in 1793. Miguel Arciniega Jr., served in the military for the Republic of Texas (after 1836). His wife was Maria Gortari. She inherited some land on the west side of the Alamo. Her grandmother was Concepcion Charli. Bringing it back to the Excavations, Miguel Arciniega Sr. had been given various ‘trinkets’ on his many trips around Texas and Louisiana before 1836. He was the Captain of the company in 1839 guarding San Antonio. His father Gregorio was retired from the Flying Company de Alamo de Parras (d.1822). The ‘dig’ therefore could have included some of their military and household items. Were some of these items identified in the Excavation?
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Post by Rich Curilla on Jun 10, 2014 17:08:25 GMT -5
Very good point on Canales and one I believe is entirely plausible. Just to show you how focused on the physical town I am, when I saw your first sentence above, my immediate reaction was, "What about canales? They just drain water from the roofs!"
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